The vincity of our case studies
Across the patterns documented in this series, the vincity values track exactly the per-acre productivity values reported in the parcel data. Here is the score, smallest to largest:
0.23
Savannah Hwy
West Ashley auto strip
post-1950
0.39
Elliotborough
Eastern half of CENA
mid-19th century
0.50
Strong Towns min
Marohn / Urban3
fiscal threshold
0.61
Walled City
Charleston, 1704
incl. alleys
1.83
Savannah, GA
Oglethorpe wards, 1733
designed for connectivity
Read the row from left to right. The auto strip is well below the Strong Towns minimum. Elliotborough — a 19th-century working-class extension of the historic peninsula — sits just below the threshold. The walled city, woven over a century with its dense alley network, comfortably exceeds it. Savannah, Georgia — purpose-built for connectivity by James Oglethorpe in 1733 — is more than three times the recommended minimum and remains, three centuries later, one of the most economically valuable acres in the American South.
Vincity is not a measure of taste. It is a measure of how the network was designed — and what kind of value the network can hold.
Why it tracks value
The correlation between vincity and per-acre property tax revenue is too tight to be accidental. The mechanisms by which they're related, however, are worth naming explicitly — because each one is a separate lever a city has to pull.
1
Frontage economics
More intersections mean more corner lots. Corner lots are the most valuable retail real estate in any walkable district because two streets of pedestrian traffic feed each storefront. High vincity multiplies that effect.
2
Block geometry
Small blocks force taller, deeper, more efficient buildings. A 600-foot suburban block accommodates strip-mall buildings with parking out front. A 200-foot historic block forces a four-story mixed-use building wall to wall. The smaller block produces more building per acre.
3
Route diversity
More intersections mean more ways to get from A to B. Pedestrians, cyclists, and emergency vehicles all benefit. Traffic distributes across many small streets instead of concentrating on a few large arterials. The neighborhood becomes more walkable and less stressful — both of which are priced into property values.
4
Social capital
Jane Jacobs's original point. Frequent intersections mean frequent chance encounters, mixed uses, "eyes on the street." Higher vincity produces more of what Jacobs called the intricate sidewalk ballet — the social texture that turns proximity into community. That texture has economic consequences, even if they don't fit on a balance sheet.
The Elliotborough question
The numbers above raise an obvious question. Elliotborough sits at 0.39 — below the Strong Towns minimum of 0.50 — and yet the parcel data show it generating $149,000 per acre per year in property tax. That's more than 24 times what the Savannah Highway strip produces. How does a sub-threshold vincity neighborhood pay its way that well?
Three contributing factors. First, Elliotborough sits adjacent to and shares infrastructure with the walled city — its residents can walk to a network well above the threshold. Second, the missing intersections are predominantly missing alleys; Vince Graham's manual count of historic Charleston's alley network suggests a similar mid-19th-century alley density that has been lost to OSM mapping or to physical erasure. Third, the Upper King Street corridor concentrates commercial value into a narrow band; the rest of the neighborhood can be slightly coarser without sacrificing the overall fiscal output.
The interesting implication: if Elliotborough's vincity were brought back up to the walled city's 0.61 — by reactivating lost alleys, formalizing existing service ways, or breaking up a few of the longest blocks — the productivity multiplier could compound. Even small block-scale interventions reliably increase per-acre value. The neighborhood's structural weakness is also its structural opportunity.